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Peace And Reconciliation In Liberia
Speech Delivered By Archbishop Michael Francis at the Government Reconciliation Conference in Virginia, Liberia
August 28, 2002

INTRODUCTION
Once more we are gathered as a Nation and a people through Delegates and Invitees to deliberate and reflect on the destiny of our Nation - on a theme which has been discussed, debated, deliberated on several times and on many occasions during the last five years in these halls, in our country and out of our country by men and women who no doubt have the good of our commonwealth at heart. We came to conclusions, which we believed would bring sanity, peace and reconciliation to our country. Alas Peace and Reconciliation has been illusive. We have come once more not given up hope but to tackle this agenda, an important and necessary one for us no doubt, with the customary vigor determination and openness.

The question that arises is: will we succeed? Why have our other deliberations, reflections and conclusions not succeeded in bringing us the desired peace and reconciliation? Have we been going the wrong way in seeking our desires for our country? Or have we neither the political nor the moral will to implement what we have concluded? Or perhaps we have been fooling ourselves and have not been sincere about what we have discussed and what we want? Still the questions come to mind: Do we want genuine peace and reconciliation in Liberia? Are we honest with ourselves?

Peace is not only the absence of physical conflict; it is infinitely more than that. It has spiritual, psychological and physical dimensions. Quite often we are more concerned, it seems to me, about raw power and not its inner nature of service. Will this time make a difference? I hope. True Peace is Justice in the simplest definition. Peace and Justice go hand in hand, they are Siamese twins. Where there is justice we will have peace in all its dimensions and where there is peace we presuppose there is justice. When the rights of every individual is respected, when we live in a society where there is respect for the basic rights of all, where injustice in all its forms is not the order of the day, then without doubt there will be peace.

Why has Peace eluded us? Why don't we have Peace in our native land? I am not oversimplifying the problems. There is a deficiency in our meting out justice to the people of this land. It seems to me that we are so blinded we cannot see injustice incarnate - it is a pity, because our consciences become so stifled that we do not have the moral will power or the political will power to act justly.

Are we surprised, then that we as individuals, as people, and as a nation find it difficult to be reconciled? How can we when that process of uniting us is thwarted by our default in meting out justice to one another from the family setting to the community and the nation. Reconciliation is only true and genuine if we admit our faults, respect the rights of others and respond to the invitation to repair whatever damage we may have effected by our negative relations with our fellow citizens. Reconciliation is truth. Reconciliation is admitting of one's faults and seeking forgiveness, of deeply apologizing. But when there is a culture of impunity, a culture of arrogance, a culture of disrespect for our fellow person, we will never have reconciliation. It is a spiritual fallacy to believe that saying Lord, Lord and not loving one's neighbor as ourselves, we will have peace.

This National Conference on Peace and Reconciliation will make a difference if and only if the following flow from it and are determined by it:
1) Justice must be articulated
2) Openness must characterize our deliberations
3) The will to implement the conclusions arrived at must be unbending.
4) Honesty, sincerity and commitment to the achievement of peace and consequently reconciliation must be the determination of every Liberian.

Efforts At Reconciliation -Past And Present

We as a people, as a nation, have never in a sustained and meaningful way come to grips with how we have treated each other in the past and in the present. From the founding of our nation the process of reconciliation was never put into motion - there were two classes: a superior one and an inferior one. The latter was looked down upon as barbarian, uncivilized and needed to be christianized. In the process our forefathers on both sides meted out injustice to each other. Never have we sat down to inquire of ourselves if what we were doing was right vis-à-vis our treatment of each other. In the early years of the 20th Century the renowned Liberian Scholar and Statesman, Edward Blyden in very strong terms articulated on several occasions the inequality existing among our citizens and he encouraged intermarriage between the descendants of the immigrants and the indigenous population. Hence the marriages between Edwin Barclay and a Grebo Lady, Euphemia Davis, the marriage between Arthur Grimes and a Vai Lady, the marriage between Momolu Massaquoi and the Grand Daughter of President Johnson, etc.

Cllr. William V.S. Tubman in 1918 argued the cause of the two sets of laws, Indigenous and Civil - one for the so-called "civilized" people and another for the "indigenous" people. The Supreme Court under Chief Justice Dossen ruled that two separate laws were unconstitutional - all Liberians should come under the civil law-unfortunately the Executive never carried out this decision of the Supreme Court. In 1945, President Tubman had three representatives from the three Provinces sit in the National Legislature - the Western, Central and Eastern Provinces respectively. It was only in 1964 that this country became one under one law and administration and the Interior Administration, as we knew it - absolute and dictatorial - was abolished. President Tubman made an attempt to reconcile the two segments of our society through his Unification and Integration Policy. To his credit he tried and in this process brought our country under one administration and though imperfect, the disadvantageous segment of our nation was given representation in the National Legislature. This was the first real attempt to resolve the first class - second class reality of our citizenship.

In 1980 there was a bloody coup and many of the children of the pioneers were killed and their properties confiscated. Many are still in self-imposed exile. There was no attempt at reconciliation and the bleeding continues which makes reconciliation imperative. In 1989 a brutal war began. Thousands upon thousands were killed and the whole infrastructure of the nation was destroyed - political, financial, spiritual, etc. Nothing tangible has been done other than giving jobs to some and money to others, leaving the majority to scrounge around for a living. People are bleeding. Attempts have been made to heal the real wounds of the trauma of the 1990s but we have yet to carry the process through to a meaningful conclusion. It seems we have just gone on with the mind set - let bygones be bygones - and that has not helped. We must tackle the causes that led to this constant bleeding sometimes slowly and imperceptibly and other times explosively. Reconciliation is needed not just between the descendants of our founding fathers and the descendants of our indigenous fathers but also among the members within the two groups.

We as a people have, during the centuries adopted some social attitudes that are not conducive to social interaction and appreciation of each other. For example we respect positions not the persons who are in those positions. If today you are a minister respect and fear is lavished on you but if you loose your job you are forgotten or even attacked in many ways that do not meet the eyes. There are our civil servants who labored for this country and gave their best to it - some are living abroad or here before our very eyes in abject poverty. This is wrong. People that are concerned only about the positions and not about the worth and sacredness of the human persons are doomed to failure.

We are in many instances insincere, dishonest, deceitful, and sycophantic. We have serious attitudinal problems. For the past two plus decades a culture of violence, a culture of deception, a culture of dishonesty, non-achievement and negative social attitudes have developed that it has become the order of the day. We fear that if there is not a reversal of this trend the younger generation will grow up with negative attitudes and this country will suffer greatly. Just think, sixty percent of our population was born after 1979 - one understands the magnitude of the problem.
We should address ourselves not only to healing the wounds of the past but also to those of the present.
In the past we have looked on many traditional practices as being uncivilized and diabolical. We have not admired cultural heritages whether from America, the Caribbean, Congo or Liberia. We are a mosaic of cultures and we need to be proud of our national heritages, our national customs, etc. Of course not all our cultural heritage is good; not all of our customs are good and wholesome. We need the wisdom and understanding to do away with those that are inimical to our wellbeing as a people; for example, female genital mutilation and the understanding to enhance those that are good and of benefit to our nation and people. We are one people with one destiny and in our interactions as a people we should be very sensitive to the good cultural behavior and mores of our fellow citizens from different cultural backgrounds.

We believe that a TRUTH COMMISSION as organized and implemented by South Africa should be considered in our effort to reconcile our people.

National Security

We cannot tire of emphasizing the great necessity to have a security system that meets the needs of our people and is concerned about the human rights of all our people. Sad to say our Security Apparatus has been one of the worst violators of the Human Rights of our people. There is so much that needs to be addressed when it comes to the activities of our different Security Apparatus.

The Legislature should enact as a matter of urgency a bill for the restructuring of all the components of our National Security Institutions to reflect geographic balance, new mission statement/requirements, force structure, table of organization and equipment, professional training and educational standards, minimum entry requirements and qualification standards, efficient command and control, better salaries and incentives and professional development through merits and qualifications. These institutions include the Armed Forces of Liberia, The Liberian National Police, National Intelligence Institutions, the Special Security Services and the Bureau of Immigration and Naturalization.
It is proposed that the appropriate enactment for the proper re-organization and restructing of national security institutional should ensure that these institutions are developed into well disciplined, correctly trained, loyal and efficient service institutions.

Human Rights should be a serious factor when retraining the Security Apparatus.
We need a Security Apparatus that addresses itself to the human rights concerns of our people and act within the parameters of respect for the fundamental rights of our people.
Democracy And Governance

It seems Good Governance has been historically one of Liberia's main problems. How can we build and sustain the practices of good governance; rule of law; transparency; accountability; tolerance; merit; equity and decentralization. We must address ourselves to the serious problem we have when it comes to governance. It is in a mess.
A code of conduct should be enacted by the Legislature to serve as a common standard for the conduct of public officials.

The Judiciary

The independence of the Judiciary should be enhanced. To this end the following seems pertinent:
1. That a Statute be enacted to establish an Independent Judicial Commission that would be responsible to screen and recommend for nomination and appointment to judicial positions individuals who are qualified and competent.
2. That the Government provides adequate budgetary appropriations for the Judiciary and that a statute be enacted to it in the National Budget.
3. That the Government provides housing facilities for the Judges that are in circuit in the various counties in the Republic, as well as adequate salaries, benefits and incentive.
4. That Magisterial and Justice of the Peace Court system be overhauled and reformed to prevent the iniquities, the judicial wrongs, and the abuses of judicial power now prevalent in the system.
5. A program of on-going in-services education be provided judges, magistrates and other judicial personnel through workshops and seminars and that studies be undertaken to determine the efficacy of the present jury system.
6. The Government, Bar Associations and individual lawyers establish legal aid services in all the political sub divisions of the country.
7. It is suggested that the Constitution be amended to give recognition to the rights of victims of crime and abuse of power.
8. That the Legislature carry out its constitutional mandate by enacting the following laws: a) making torture and inhumane treatment during detention a crime and providing penalties therefore; b) giving protection to women married under customary practices; c) providing a mechanism for redress against the government for violation of constitutional rights.
Socio-Economic
Liberia's economic recovery, growth and development should be private sector driven, thus the need to create the necessary environment for the innovative, defiant and sustainable development of education and training; health, water and sanitation; agriculture and food security; housing and human settlements; the tenure system; infrastructure-energy; communication; transportation; forestry; natural resources and the environment; Economic empowerment and the enhancement of the quality of life of all of our people is a fundamental national objective.
Education and health should be prioritized. And half of the annual budget should go into these sectors.

There will be no Peace and consequently no Reconciliation if Justice does not permeate our society.
I join my voice to that of the ECOWAS and the wider spectrum of the Liberian Society on calling for dialog between the Government of Liberia and LURD and also for unconditional cease-fire, if at all they have the good for this country at heart.
The success of this National Conference on Peace and Reconciliation depends on the national, political and moral will to implement the RESOLUTIONS. We do not have a track record on this - let us change our attitude in this regard and resolutely implement whatever is positive that comes out of this Conference.
Prayer Of St. Francis

Make me a channel of your peace
Where there is hatred let me bring your love
Where there is injury pardon Lord
And where there's doubt true faith in you.
Make me a channel of your peace
Where there's despair in life let me bring hope
Where there is darkness only light
And where there's sadness ever joy.
O Master grant that I may never seek
So much to be consoled as to console
To be understood as to understand
To be loved as to love with all my soul.
Make me a channel of your peace
It is in pardoning that we are pardoned
In giving to all that we receive
And in dying that we're born to Eternal Life.



Speech Delivered by Gabriel Baccus Matthews At The Ongoing National Peace
and Reconciliation Conference- At The Unity Conference Center (UCC),Virginia, Liberia
September 5, 2002.


The people of Liberia, in their search for lasting peace, must strive to
correctly analyze their problems and avoid defining, preoccupying, and
belaboring themselves with the wrong issues. Which parties in Liberia need
to be reconciled? What signposts or benchmarks are needed to affirm that
reconciliation has actually taken place at such time that it has?

Let us examine, for a moment, the experience of the people of South Africa
so as to clarify and understand our own. What was their problem?

Plagued with the scourge of apartheid, we saw them polarized along racial
lines with the result that they were exposed to prolonged destabilization
of their country. We saw South Africa being torn apart by violence; and the
country being estranged from, and isolated by, the international community
because of the heinousness of its race relations. We believed that South
Africa had to change; that its people were in need of reconciliation in
order for them to have peace.

Eventually, they sought to find common ground among themselves and,
reasoning together, they reached an understanding (and this is a key word,
understanding) as a basis of their reconciliation. This understanding led
to the abolition of apartheid, while taking into account the interests of
the minority population. This understanding also manifested itself,
politically, in the drafting of a new constitution, which recognized all
men to be equal before the law, and provided for an open political process
operating on the principle of one man, one vote.

The South Africans further decided on periodic elections to instill a
commitment to renewal. Free and fair elections climaxed their
reconciliation. That is the process.

Today, reconciliation has been achieved in South Africa, not because
everyone bathes in a sea of love with everybody, or because every white man
is now willing to give his daughter in marriage to a black man, but
reconciliation exists because, today in South Africa, all men are equal
before the law and have equal chances and opportunities within the scope of
increasing progress and development. Their reconciliation is expected to be
reinforced by periodic elections.

Now, let us examine the Liberian experience. What is, or was, our problem?

The settlers from America, who were returned to this part of Africa
beginning 1822, under the auspices of the American Colonization Society and
other philanthropic organizations, did not come with the purpose of forming
a state or proclaiming a Republic. Theirs was a simple repatriation
exercise for the convenience of America.

Unfortunately, many of these settlers were ill prepared for the realities,
which would be their experience. Indeed, many were highly educated and
trained in various disciplines; but, in functional terms, the vast majority
seemed to have a rather obvious limitation. Take, for example, those who
came on the vessel, ROVER, which arrived in Monrovia from New Orleans in
1835. Of 71 settlers aboard, the records revealed that only 17 of them
could read and write. As such, we must have some compassion on these people
for their limitations, even while we indict them for their errors.

These twenty thousand settlers, who came over a fifty-year period, saw it
as their destiny to engage in Christian proselytizing of the indigenous
population. Good. However, in their socialization process, they sought to
"civilize" the indigenous people, comparable to "La Mision Civilisatrice"
of 19th century France in Africa. That was a misadventure.

Acting in keeping with a distorted sense of values, these settlers pursued
a process of acculturation, by which their values and culture would
dominate and replace the traditional norms and values of the people they
met. And therein were the beginning of the mistake - the notion of a
superior and an inferior culture, which led to a search for hegemony and
dominance, rather than equality and respect.

What was needed was a responsible quest for assimilation that is the
merging of the two cultures and peoples to produce a new identity, a
Liberian citizenry, unified and strong.

Worse, hostilities attended the interactions of these two groups of people,
and, by the time an independent nation was proclaimed, Liberia was already
a state going in the wrong direction.

Did the settlers know that they were going wrong? Did they ever realize
that a nation cannot be built while divided against itself? In other words,
did they see a need to reach an understanding and effect reconciliation? Of
course, the appropriate word is conciliation, because reconciliation is
reserved for those who had, in fact, been together.

In 1904, during his first inaugural address, President Arthur Barclay made
the following observations:

"We cannot develop the interior effectively until a satisfactory
understanding with the resident populations is arrived at.

The efforts, which we have, in the past, made to coerce these populations
by arms, have deservedly failed. Government must rest on the consent of the
governed. We made a great initial mistake in the beginning of our own
national career. We sought to obtain, and did succeed in grasping an
enormous mass of territory, but we neglected to conciliate the populations
and attach the resident populations to our own interests."

President Barclay went on to say:

"Take for instance the Manna and Gallinas territories, formerly a part of
Liberia. Why did we lose these? Because "we neglected to look after and
conciliate the populations. We thought their wishes and desires unworthy of
serious consideration, and after enduring the situation for many years they
detached themselves from the interests of Liberia, and took their
territories with them."

But, the mistake continued, in many ways and in many forms. And, by the
time we came along to be old enough to understand and reject what was going
on here, Liberia was already a political environment dominated by one
ethnic group and a single political party deeply entrenched.

Ladies and Gentlemen, there is no permanence in nature. King Solomon, in
his wisdom, is said to have given a ring to the chief architect of the
Temple of Jerusalem when work began on that monumental edifice. The ring
bore the inscription, "This, too, shall pass away".

By the late 1970's, it was clear that change had become an inevitable
necessity. Change had to come to make reconciliation possible. I, today,
call on all Liberians to reconcile themselves to the inevitability of
change. To everything under the sun, there is a season.

Change was coming. Identify all the advocates and actors you may. Blame or
applaud whichever ones you wish, change was coming. It was coming, whether
the names of the actors were called Baccus Matthews, William R. Tolbert,
Jr., Richard Henries, Samuel Doe, Joseph Chesson, Thomas Quiwonkpa, Amos
Sawyer, Togba Nah Tipoteh, Boima Fahnbulleh, Oscar Quiah, Rev. Toimu
Reeves, Bishop George Browne, Father Michael Francis, etc., etc., etc.
Change was coming. It was coming with them, without them, or even in spite
of them. It was coming, and it came. God is always on time.

Liberia had to be saved, for all of us, and not just for some of us. And
our generation succeeded in bringing us together. Yes, we do see what you
see, and we should all seek to contain what is wrong. In time, however, the
dust will settle, and a clear stream will replace the muddy waters.

Like the people of South Africa, all the people of Liberia decided to reach
an understanding to be together and, in 1983-84, we reconciled by
negotiating one with the other, a constitution which would be the guide to
keeping us together. By adopting that constitution, we all agreed that we
would live here under the rule of law, that we would organize a government
whose leaders would be determined through periodic free and fair elections;
and that that government would promote development, deliver basic social
services, preserve the peace and defend the state. We, like the people of
South Africa, climaxed our reconciliation by going to elections.

Ladies and Gentlemen, we have reconciled. We have arrived; we succeeded.
Please do not try to re-invent the wheel. President Tolbert use to say
"some men look, but do not see what they are looking at." Our focus should
now be on development to give meaning to our reconciliation and strengthen
our prospects for peace.

Of course, there are problems, as there always will be in any human
setting. However, with increasing equality of opportunities, access to
healthcare and education, we will see that the classroom and hospital wards
will, in time, resolve the lingering problems between Krahn people and Mano
people and Gio people. Availability of jobs and the demands of the
workplace will bring Sarpo people and Kru people closer together. Justice
under the law, equally applied, will settle whatever problems; do exist
between Mandingo people and Lorma people. With the promotion of trade and
commerce, and the availability of money and markets, the question will not
be "what is your tribe?" but "what is the price?" and buyers and sellers,
of every tribe and creed, will find common ground. For professional
Liberians abroad, an opportunity to demonstrate their worth, with
commensurate pay, will bring them home faster than any speech on
reconciliation ever will.

Ladies and Gentlemen, there are a few Liberians, some of stature and
eminence, who have not accepted reconciliation. Some may do so eventuality;
while others may never because evil exists and Satan is real. Some packed
up their bags, went to America and are, from there, utilizing their best
endeavors, in unrelenting efforts, to oppose our political order. Others,
even after they helped to produce the political results prevailing on the
ground, have jumped in the bushes and resorted to waging war against the
Republic.

We, here, should never make the grievous mistake of presuming that the
dissidents are arraigned in arms against only President Taylor and the
National Patriotic Party. No. They are resolutely waging war against all of
us who love Liberia enough to have embraced reconciliation. They have to be
stopped. Whether by persuasion or by pressure, they must be stopped.

Let me warn, however, that they are not an ethnic group; collectively, they
are citizens of Liberia, sons and daughters of this land. And we, the
Liberian people, elected President Charles Ghankay Taylor to be the leader
of all Liberian citizens, including those who will resist reconciliation,
even the misguided and the lost.

As such, his responsibilities make him not only Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces of Liberia, but they compel him to be, as well, the "High
Priest" of reconciliation.

The President of Liberia has told us that this conference will continue and
we must wait until those who must reconcile with us are ready to come forward.

I say no, it is incumbent on him, as the leader of this country, to search
for, and not await the arrival of, the prodigal son. It is he who is the
shepherd and must search for, find, and return the lost sheep. This is a
big assignment, of course, but it is a small one for a president who urges
us to think big.

Ladies and Gentlemen, we earlier explained to you that, generally, the
process of national reconciliation is consummated by free and fair
elections, and that periodic elections are planned as a commitment to
renewal. These elections consolidate the gains of development and do
advance the prospects for peace. Elections are, therefore, an integral part
of promoting peace and reconciliation.

I regret that I cannot share the view that this conference is not about
elections. It has to be, and that is why I wish to examine, operationally,
some of the factors that may impact on the prospects of a free and fair
electoral exercise in 2003.

1. Please, be reminded that a national census is required as a prelude to
elections next year. It is suppose to be a scientific basis for
determining, among other things, the citizenry who would be of voting age
and, therefore, a ceiling on the likely number of registered voters. Of
course, we must avoid a situation similar to that of 1923 wherein property
owners eligible to vote were about 6,000 while the elections that year
produced 55,000 votes. And worse, just four years later, in 1927, the True
Whigs won with an unprecedented majority of 125,000 votes.

A projection of the time frame that may be needed to conduct a census,
collect and interpret the data for demographic conclusions is already, for
me, a reason for concern. When you add the time that will be required for
the Ministries of Planning and Lands and Mines to demarcate electoral
districts, based on a population of 20,000 each, the time factor begins to
appear even more troubling. It seems to me that, if we are to complete
these exercises on schedule, work would have to begin today, and the
international community would have to know that it must begin to assist us
immediately.

2. We must all work to ensure that the war ends before the end of the year.
This would provide a reasonable time frame within which the internally
displaced can be resettled in their homes so as to start building a
conducive frame of mind for political participation.

3. We must commend President Taylor and the National Patriotic Party for
their resolve, constantly declared, to do all they can to help ensure that
the elections are conducted on schedule. Having the elections on schedule
will avert the problem that could otherwise arise with respect to the
awesome question of legitimacy. All of us in the political class must
strive assiduously to help ensure that the political authority does not
step into the danger zone where power is exercised without or beyond a
public mandate.

4. During a recent visit to the Elections Commission, I advanced a reminder
that the Constitution of Liberia provides for a multi-party system based on
a competition of ideas. In my judgment, this means that the registration of
political parties must focus on ideas and go beyond a mere parade of
personalities. Why do the rules require that a proposed party submits, to
the Elections Commission, such documentation, among others, as would define
the body of ideas to which the association subscribes? The purpose is to
enable the Commission to diligently compare and contrast the proposed new
ideas with the political thoughts of already existing political parties. As
the Commission effectively performs its public duty, each new party
registered will constitute a new body of thought that must enter into a
competitive market place of political ideas. The Elections Commission is a
forum for meticulous examination and, certainly, much more than just a
clerical depository.

5. The idea of the Elections Commission being expanded began with questions
of credibility and integrity from opposition politicians with respect to
the present commissioners. Strangely, these same commissioners cleared
confirmation in the Senate with opposition support. And, thus far, there
has been no opposition rejection of their decisions much more appeals from
those decisions to the Supreme Court. Interestingly, too, no charges of
mis-conduct, have, to date, been levied against any one of them.

I note, with interest, that it is President Taylor, and not the opposition
leaders desiring the adjustments, which has filed a bill to achieve this in
the Legislature where there is an opposition presence. Unfortunately, the
President has made himself responsible for defending that cause.

I am convinced that the President is acting in good faith and is pursuing a
confidence building measure with respect to the pending elections. However,
I believe it to be a bad sign and an unhealthy beginning for proposed
changes in the elections rules to emanate from the Executive Mansion, even
if opposition politicians influence such actions.

Ladies and Gentlemen, the war and sanctions, compounded by our own
shortcomings, have reduced Liberians to a hungry, frustrated and
disillusioned people. Too many families, in increasing numbers, are going
to bed daily without putting a pot on the fire. We now see older people,
joining starving children, searching under the plum trees after a storm.
There are free drugs available all over the world, yet our people are dying
in the villages for want of a few tablets. With all this heavy rain, there
are today, in the forests, mothers with babies hiding from gunfire.

Even though we must all agree that we, Liberians, tend to be our own worst
enemies, we must also admit that many of our problems are a result of
external contrivances. We, as a people, have an obligation to ourselves not
to be reduced to a powder key on a short fuse. We all live here and must
therefore not allow this place to degenerate into chaos and confusion.

We, the political class, in and out of government, are collectively
responsible for what happens here, by what we do or don't do. This is our
terrain, and we must all bear responsibility for our more than 2 million
people from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas.

I want to offer this kind advice, publicly, to President Taylor, and to
each and every one of us, the politicians. Let's talk and talk, reason
together, and work out some kind of short-term plan to keep this place
quiet and make it ready for elections next year. We are all serious people
who will produce results if only we agree to work together. And it is not
too late; it is never too late.

I am convinced that, over the next few months, we could find some relief
food and medical drugs for vulnerable groups, provide a little electricity
and water, end the war, resettle displaced people, restructure the security
apparatus, reconcile with the international community and find some money
to conduct elections. All of us know that this is possible; but also that
it will only be possible if we are prepared to work together.

President Taylor and the NPP have to be ready. I do not see them tying
themselves down to this situation, which, left unattended can only get worse.

And what's about the opposition? Is any opposition leader here really
wishing to exploit and seek political benefit from human misery? Dr.
Tipoteh? No. Counselor Rudolph Sherman? No. Hon. David Kortie, Mr. Gyude
Bryant, or Dr. Charles Clarke? No. None of us. We must all be ready to
help. I am ready.

I thank you.

The Liberian Group, Ltd. 617-230-1982         "Serve The Masses"        Copy Right 1999